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  • 4/16/2025
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In this comprehensive talk, two environmentalists, Mary Nichols and John Cruden, discuss automotive standards, low carbon fuel standards, and describe measures taken to reach regulation requirements.

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Discussions of Environmental Law & Policy developed by the EarthxLaw Advisory Council

Law & Nature promises lively discussions by environmental thought leaders on legal and policy issues of critical importance to environmental protection. This series is developed by the EarthxLaw Advisory Council, a blue ribbon board of prominent environmental law practitioners brought together by EarthX to assist in developing programs and facilitating dialog on environmental law and policy.

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Transcript
00:00Hi, I'm Jeff Sivins, chair of the EarthX Law Advisory Council, and I've been happy
00:10to be involved in a number of the law and nature series that we've done featuring prominent
00:17environmental thought leaders, and today is no different.
00:20We have an outstanding program.
00:22I'm privileged to introduce John Cruden, principal at Beverage Diamond, one of the
00:30legends of environmental law, and today he's going to interview another legend of environmental
00:35law.
00:36Take it away, John.
00:38Jeff, thank you so much for your leadership, and thank you for EarthX for giving me the
00:43opportunity to talk with and have a conversation with one of my heroes.
00:49I think everybody needs heroes in their world, and here's somebody that in my life has stood
00:55out as an extraordinary individual in so many ways.
01:00For over a half century, Mary Nichols has been a leader in advancing environment at
01:06state, local, federal, for Republican and Democratic governors.
01:12She was the longest-standing head of the California Air Resources Board.
01:16She has initiated many of the reforms in California that the Biden administration is now adopting
01:22or endorsing as a path toward environmental progress, reducing greenhouse gases, and getting
01:29international countries involved.
01:32She was supervised and personally negotiated in one of the largest settlements in the history
01:39of the federal government.
01:40There's literally no one, no one that I know at any level that has done more, accomplished
01:44more, been more seen on environmental issues in our lifetime than Mary Nichols.
01:53She's been referred to in the paper as the Queen of Green and described as the most influential
01:58environmental regulatory person in history.
02:02Mary, thank you so much for being here and giving a chance to the audience to learn something
02:07about your career and the impact that you've had on environmental progress.
02:12Thanks, John.
02:13It's always a pleasure to sit and just receive compliments.
02:17So I want to start, you know, you're in California right now, but that's not where you started.
02:22You started in, you were born in Minnesota and raised in New York, and tell us something
02:26about growing up and your parents.
02:28What was that like?
02:29Oh, sure.
02:30I was born shortly before the end of the Second World War, so I'm actually even older than
02:37a baby boomer, right?
02:39I was born in 1945.
02:41My dad had been shipped overseas and he was at the Battle of the Bulge, and my mom went
02:46home to Minnesota, where she was from, to have me.
02:50But as soon as he was discharged, my dad came back to resume his education at Cornell.
02:58He dropped out of college in order to go enlist to fight in the Second World War, and my mother
03:04was able to be with him as he traveled around the country doing training.
03:08He was an electrical engineer, which was a much in-demand profession.
03:13And when he finished, actually before he even graduated with his bachelor's degree, he was
03:19being recruited by the then brand new computer industry.
03:25He was interested in radio wave communications.
03:30So at one point during his time at Cornell, he went and spent a year up in Alaska, but
03:35the family got to go on studying the Northern Lights and their effects on communication.
03:40So it was pretty fun.
03:43My mother got her PhD before my father did, and her field was French, Spanish, Italian,
03:50romance languages.
03:52But because of the rules that were in effect in those days at Cornell, which hopefully
03:58they're ashamed of now, they wouldn't allow two married people to be in the university
04:05teaching, even in totally different schools or departments.
04:10So she ended up being an editor for a while at the University Press, and then went down
04:16the hill to the public high school and taught languages for most of her career.
04:23And she was very proud of the fact that because of her doctorate and because of New York State's
04:29progressive policies, she actually earned more money than my father did for most of
04:35their career.
04:36And the two of them also sort of tag teamed in local politics.
04:40I come from a long line on both sides of very left people.
04:45My grandparents were the ones who immigrated to America, but they were, in the case of
04:51my father's family, they were communists, and my mother's were socialists.
04:57So that was a lot to argue about at the dinner table.
05:01But they ended up being progressive Democrats, and my father served three terms as the mayor
05:08of Ithaca, which is one of those towns like Berkeley and Madison, Wisconsin, that are
05:13famous for pioneering progressive policies.
05:18In his case, he installed a clerk who was willing to allow him to marry gay people before
05:27that was allowed by the laws of New York State, but they did it in Ithaca anyway.
05:32They banned discrimination based on weight, which was really a great cause, in my opinion,
05:39and other things.
05:42It sounds a little bit humorous, and it's certainly, you can chuckle sometimes at things
05:47like the Ithaca currency that they created, which was a way of doing bartering in a university
05:53town where a lot of people could do very interesting things but couldn't necessarily make money
05:59at them and worked out ways to do exchanges.
06:03So it was an interesting, great place to grow up.
06:07But I was the first person in my family to become a lawyer.
06:11That was my distinction.
06:13My mother's-
06:14Absolutely.
06:15So when you went to Cornell, that was just like hometown for you, but then how did you
06:19do that?
06:20How did you go from Cornell to Yale?
06:23I did it via New York.
06:25I actually graduated early because I was ready to leave Ithaca by that point, my junior year,
06:33and I'd been working all the way through school as a writer for the university's public relations
06:41and alumni news and all that sort of stuff.
06:45And my boss, who was the head of that department, was friends with the then New York bureau
06:52manager for the Wall Street Journal.
06:54And the Wall Street Journal editor, whose name was William Claby, asked my boss if he
07:01knew of any girls who might be interested in coming and working for the journal because
07:06they wanted to have a girl reporter.
07:09They didn't have one, and they thought that would be a good thing to do.
07:11This was in 1966.
07:15So I finished my degree and moved to New York and spent two years working as a reporter.
07:24Well, reporter and then for the Vera Institute of Justice, which is really what got me to
07:29law school.
07:30But even before that, I'd formulated the idea that I would like to be a lawyer because I
07:35spent a summer and most of the year actually working in the civil rights movement.
07:41So I went south and I had an opportunity to see some of the world's best lawyers at that
07:49point up close.
07:51And when I thought I'd like to go to law school, I went to see one of them, Burke Marshall,
07:56who was on the Vera Institute board and told him of my interest.
08:01And he said, well, you better go to Yale because that's really the only place worth going to.
08:07He actually did say that.
08:08And so that was the only place I applied.
08:11And luckily for me, I got in.
08:13You know, but during this time period now, now we started having the moments.
08:20We have our very first Earth Day.
08:22We have the creation of EPA, the 1970 Clean Air Act.
08:30And so somehow you find yourself in California suing Los Angeles over air problems.
08:36How did you do that?
08:38It turned out when I got to L.A. that there was a new environmental law firm that was
08:43just getting started.
08:45At that point, it was formed by four guys who all left O'Melveny and Myers, the big
08:53L.A. law firm, and had gotten their first grant.
08:56And they were just about to get started.
08:59And they took me on as a law clerk because I hadn't taken the California bar yet.
09:04So while I was studying for the bar, I was also working part time for them.
09:08And that is also about the same time that the Clean Air Act was coming into force.
09:14And so as I was getting ready to hopefully actually launch my career as a lawyer, we
09:22were approached by the city of Riverside and the city of San Bernardino, both of which
09:26are downwind from Los Angeles and receive a daily dose of pollution that's borne in
09:33by the wind from the Pacific Ocean.
09:37And they were anxious to find a way to do something to stop this horrible assault.
09:45And so they came to us and asked us if we would sue Los Angeles.
09:51And I was assigned the job of doing the research to see if there was any way they could do
09:56that.
09:57And the answer was pretty much no.
09:59But there was this new law that said that there was essentially the right to have a
10:07plan that would clean up your air and get it to make whatever it took, efforts to achieve
10:15federal air quality standards.
10:17And if the state didn't prepare a plan that met that test, then EPA had to step in and
10:23do it.
10:24So it was pretty clear that the state hadn't done it.
10:27They'd submitted a plan, but it said we can't meet these federal standards because they're
10:31too strict.
10:32They're going to make us do things that are impossible, like restrict the amount of driving
10:37and we can't do that.
10:38So that was what they handed in to EPA.
10:42EPA basically just took it and sat on it.
10:45And so we sued EPA and it was an open and shut case.
10:52There wasn't anything to have a trial about.
10:54It was strictly a case on summary judgment.
10:57Well, right after that time period.
11:02So I clerked on the California Supreme Court for Stanley Moss.
11:07The year before me, his clerk was Jerry Brown.
11:12So Jerry Brown, you know, because Jerry Brown's dad had appointed Stanley Moss to the bench.
11:18And so this was reciprocal, I guess, to bring him in as a clerk.
11:23Well, Jerry Brown obviously went on to do better things several different times.
11:27But on this time around, he becomes governor.
11:30And one of his appointments must have been a very young Mary Nichols to the California
11:35Air Resources Board.
11:37Was CARB that old then?
11:39Was that a new institution?
11:40No, CARB was actually created under Jerry's father, Pat Brown.
11:47And Ronald Reagan appointed the man who's credited with having discovered the chemical
11:54formula for smog, Dr. Ari Hagen-Schmidt, who was a professor of chemistry, chemical engineer,
12:01actually, at Caltech.
12:03And so Dr. Hagen-Schmidt became the first chair of the Air Resources Board.
12:09He was a crusty guy, but he didn't like smog either.
12:16The mandate of the board was essentially to deal with automobiles.
12:22They knew the problem that they were facing was primarily the emissions from cars.
12:29And so they were going to try to force Detroit to do something about cleaning up the cars.
12:36But they lacked some tools, and mostly they lacked any meaningful political support coming
12:42from the governor's office at that time.
12:45So when Jerry ran, part of his platform was that he was going to clean up the air.
12:52And he had a Blue Skies pledge.
12:56And his campaign manager, Tom Quinn, who had grown up in Los Angeles and really had very
13:04strong feelings about wanting to do something about the car companies and their flagrant
13:10disregard for the health and well-being of the people in California, asked for the job
13:17of chair of the Air Resources Board, which up until that time had not been considered
13:21to be a political plum appointment.
13:24And in fact, it wasn't even a full-time job.
13:26He had to get the governor to agree to make him a member of the governor's staff so that
13:32he could get a full-time salary.
13:35But since it is a board, it had to operate under California rules as a board.
13:41So he needed to have two other people, at least, in order to actually conduct any business.
13:48And he needed to have them fit certain criteria that were spelled out in the statute.
13:54So one of the positions could be for a lawyer, actually a lawyer, a chemist, or a farmer.
14:01So I qualified as a lawyer.
14:04And another position was for an automotive engineer.
14:08And that was Professor Robert Sawyer, who was a very distinguished emeritus professor
14:14of combustion engineering.
14:17It isn't lost on me what you talk about going from Yale to a four-person male law firm of
14:22which you're the first female.
14:24Now you're talking about going to California Air Resources Board.
14:28It doesn't sound like there are women all over the place in the Air Resources Board.
14:34This sounds like you're elbowing your way into a guy organization.
14:40Well, ARB was essentially an engineering organization.
14:45And there were very, very few women engineers at that point.
14:48But I graduated from Yale in 1971.
14:52I was a member of the largest cohort of women that they'd ever had.
14:57There were 18 of us out of a class of 160.
15:01And that was twice as many as they'd ever had.
15:04And the only reason for that was the Vietnam War.
15:08The law school was facing the fact that a lot of their normal group of guys were going
15:17to defer in some way or another to avoid the draft order.
15:21So they needed to fill up the class.
15:23And they did it with women.
15:26So at some stage, you evolved from CARB.
15:31Now this is your NGO time.
15:33Now you're helping start or start the Los Angeles office of the Natural Resources Defense Council.
15:41So two questions.
15:42I want you to think broadly, what was that like at that stage?
15:46And then now, years later, what do you think about the role of NGOs
15:52and where it fits in the environmental progressive world?
15:57I joined NRDC to help them start their Los Angeles office
16:03because I felt very strongly, and I still do,
16:07that Los Angeles was overlooked by the national environmental community.
16:13Everybody who had a West Coast office after they all started on the East Coast, basically,
16:20all the big organizations, except for the Sierra Club, which is in a class by itself.
16:24It has a different history.
16:27But the NGO organizations that were formed in the 70s are all East Coast-based.
16:36And then after they start to get established, they create an outpost in the West.
16:43And it's always in San Francisco, just like all the federal agencies that have a West Coast office
16:50have their office in San Francisco, because that's the city.
16:53And Los Angeles is the Wild West.
16:56And they were just wrong about that, I believe.
16:59I think they, first of all, just failed to understand that Los Angeles was not this hopeless, smog-bound place.
17:07It was a place that had a lot of people in it who actually appreciated and loved
17:12the coast and the mountains and the out-of-doors,
17:15and that it was also the fastest-growing part of the state and was going to be,
17:20and by that time actually already was, politically much more important than San Francisco,
17:26which remains a lovely city.
17:27I'm very fond of San Francisco, like to visit it.
17:30But the power really was in the South.
17:35And more to the point for the organizations that were trying to fund their West Coast operations,
17:41the money was in the South.
17:43And so NRDC decided to allow one of their lawyers who really wanted to come to Los Angeles
17:53to open up an office here.
17:55And he came to visit and asked if I'd be willing to serve on their advisory board.
18:00And I said, no, but I'll come to work for you.
18:03So they accepted me.
18:06And it was wonderful.
18:08It was a lot of fun.
18:09And during that time, we made some important things happen.
18:14We also wrote a book called The Amazing L.A. Environment, A Handbook for Change,
18:19which for the first time in one place explained in sort of ordinary laypeople's language
18:26where the electricity comes from, where the water comes from, where the sewage goes,
18:31all those things that sort of describe the basic interest,
18:34the environmental infrastructure of Southern California.
18:38And it was a big success.
18:42And that helped provide kind of a calling card for NRDC.
18:45So that's the past.
18:48EDF shortly thereafter started a Los Angeles office and other groups sprang up.
18:54I think we may not have as many groups on the ground as the Bay Area does.
19:00In fact, I know we don't.
19:02But what Los Angeles has, I think, is a very cohesive environmental community
19:08and also one that has been diverse from day one,
19:13not just in terms of having women, but of having people of color as members and as staff members
19:19and as taking on equity issues as a part of their portfolio
19:26without even thinking about it, really, other than just this is what you do.
19:31The very first case that the Center for Law and the Public Interest brought in L.A.,
19:36which was when I was just beginning there as a clerk,
19:39was a case to stop a freeway called the Century Freeway,
19:42which ran through a historically Black community in South L.A.
19:47and was a plan to take out hundreds and hundreds of working class houses
19:56and kind of destroy some small cities in order to basically fulfill the visions
20:01of the Caltrans engineers of another East-West freeway.
20:07And we went out and recruited, essentially.
20:12We did recruit the plaintiffs in that case,
20:15who were, in addition to the cities that wanted to stop the freeway,
20:18we recruited the Sierra Club and the NAACP as co-plaintiffs.
20:23And that was just, I mean, that was just the way it was.
20:26And, you know, people today act as though it's a new discovery
20:31that Black and brown people are disproportionately impacted
20:36by all kinds of bad decisions about where to put infrastructure.
20:42But it's not new.
20:45It's just been rediscovered and hopefully with stronger political backing.
20:52So you're at the opening moments, essentially,
20:55of the entire environmental movement, which I still date from about 1970.
20:59And by this time, you've already done private practice a bit.
21:01You've already been in state government.
21:03Now you've been in the NGO.
21:05Bill Clinton becomes the President of the United States,
21:08and he picks you as the Assistant Administrator for AIR.
21:12I think this is the first time that I saw you, really,
21:15first time I knew of you.
21:17I was at Department of Justice then.
21:19But you became well known for acid rain and cap and trade programs,
21:25some of those things now that we were just hearing about for the first time.
21:30You look upon that as a building block for some of the things
21:34that you've been doing since that time.
21:36How did that work being in federal government for the first time?
21:41I've often said that some of the best people I ever met and worked with
21:46were the staff at the AIR program at EPA.
21:49They were really pioneers in many respects,
21:53and they were also determined and brave people
21:58because, although nothing will ever match the kind of assault
22:02that Donald Trump made on EPA,
22:04they had not always received a high degree of support
22:08from administrations in the past either.
22:11And the AIR program has been the tip of the spear for EPA.
22:14It's always the thing that gets the most attention
22:17because the Clean Air Act is such a powerful piece of legislation,
22:21and it contains this marvelous provision that allows for citizen suits.
22:28The idea that if you are a citizen, a grieved person anywhere,
22:34you can sue the agency to force them to carry out their duties under the law
22:39was remarkable,
22:42and it has meant that that office has had its agendas set for them,
22:50in many cases by environmental activist organizations.
22:54And so, as the Assistant Administrator for AIR,
22:58even though I was one of them, I came from the NGO community,
23:02I was not spared at all by my colleagues.
23:06I was sued on a regular basis,
23:10but what we were able to do was to sit down and negotiate
23:14and not just fight every issue in court,
23:19but really try to find ways to comply,
23:22which is extremely difficult because the provisions of the law
23:26require EPA to do things that they almost never have enough funding
23:30or political support to do.
23:32But this is, as I recall, Bill Clinton was a Democrat,
23:38which probably means so were you.
23:41All of a sudden, Jerry Brown isn't governor any longer,
23:45and a former bodybuilder movie actor comes in to California,
23:51who, as I recall, is a Republican.
23:54How does it work that you, as a Democrat in the Clinton administration,
23:59go back to California and get picked by a Republican governor
24:04to now go back to the California Air Resources Board?
24:08Well, there's a few permutations along the way there,
24:13but let's just skip to Arnold.
24:16Arnold took office after a recall.
24:19Remember, Ray Davis, who had been Jerry Brown's chief of staff
24:26and became governor, was recalled shortly after he was elected to his second term.
24:34There were a lot of issues at the time,
24:36but most people, I think, would agree with me that the recall wouldn't have worked
24:41if it hadn't been for the fact that Arnold threw his hat into the ring
24:46and agreed to become the candidate for governor.
24:50So all of a sudden, you had a movie star, a celebrity,
24:53who vowed to change everything and had an image that went along with the idea
24:59that he was going to come in there and break up all the bad stuff in Sacramento
25:05and return power to the people, et cetera.
25:08And the fact of the matter is that he didn't succeed in doing a lot of the things
25:14that he set out to do and wanted to do,
25:17some of which were impossible because of structural issues
25:21like the way the tax system works,
25:24and some of which just turned out to be too heavy a lift.
25:29But it turned out that, and I think this is something
25:33that I wish more Republicans agreed with him,
25:36there are a few, and hopefully there are getting to be more,
25:39but he completely failed to get the memo that said,
25:44if you're a Republican, you have to be against environmental protection.
25:49In fact, he thought that the issue was completely nonpartisan.
25:55He had what I think of as kind of a European attitude
25:59about the government's responsibility to provide a healthy environment.
26:06He was and is a passionate lover of the state of California
26:11and all of its wonderful resources.
26:14And he wanted to have a state that was leading the way in environmental protection.
26:21He understood that global warming was a global issue.
26:26And again, California is a state that doesn't just compare itself against other states.
26:30It also looks to the world as its benchmark for things.
26:35And so when the Democrats in the legislature started to make noises
26:43about passing a comprehensive bill on climate change, he welcomed it.
26:49He negotiated for a couple of things that he wanted,
26:54but the main thing he negotiated for was the ability to have a market-based program,
27:02a cap-and-trade program as a tool, if not the principal tool,
27:09for achieving the goals of reaching the same levels of reduction
27:16in greenhouse gas emissions as the Kyoto Treaty.
27:19So the statute that he signed, AB 32, is a pretty slim piece of legislation,
27:26but it commits the state to being a party, in effect, to the global agreement
27:33on how much reduction there needed to be to deal with the problem of global warming
27:40and created a program to make that happen,
27:45basically a mandate for the state to achieve those reductions,
27:49building on what the state had already done in terms of requiring reductions in emissions from vehicles.
27:59So they first passed a law that said ARB had to set limits on GHG emissions from cars,
28:07and then after that came the Comprehensive Global Warming Solutions Act of 2006, as it's called.
28:15But anyway, that was Arnold's bill.
28:17So my predecessor, Bob Sawyer, same guy who I had served with under Jerry Brown,
28:25got crosswise with the governor.
28:30I don't think anybody will ever know entirely what transpired between the two of them,
28:35but the governor just didn't think that Bob had the same kind of political view of all of this that he did
28:44or that he was going to be able to carry out this piece of legislation,
28:48which, like many other things, even before the ink was dry, people were fighting over what it meant
28:54and how it was going to be implemented and how much it was going to cost.
28:58And he ended up firing him at the last—it was a midnight firing kind of situation.
29:06There was all kinds of consternation, and the legislature, the Democrats, immediately seized on it to say,
29:12we told you so. He didn't really mean it. He doesn't really care about this at all.
29:17And the governor's chief of staff had to go out looking for somebody who would come in and take over the board
29:24and rescue this program, which was the governor's signature program.
29:28So she called me and asked me if I knew of anybody, and I said, yeah, me.
29:36So this is another example of, you know, stick up your hand and you get chosen.
29:41So in fact, that was what happened. It was not quite that simple.
29:48I did have to actually be interviewed for the job by the governor, who had lots of questions.
29:54But when he found out that I'd been responsible for the acid rain program
29:58and had already run a cap-and-trade program—in fact, the only cap-and-trade program up to that point
30:05that had ever been operated at the federal level—that seemed to seal the deal.
30:14Mary, our audience is across the world right now, people listening to you.
30:20Many of them are experienced and would know what the California Air Resources Board do
30:25because it's such a unique agency, but many do not.
30:27Would you just take a minute and let the audience know just a snapshot of why
30:35that organization would be so extraordinarily important
30:38in something like the climate bill, implementing it for California?
30:44Sure. Well, California Air Resources Board was created to deal with the problem of smog,
30:52which persists but has been dramatically reduced over time
30:56as a result of regulations that the board has adopted.
31:00So over the course of several decades, first by setting strong standards based on science,
31:08and then by taking steps to mandate the car companies, manufacturers of engines,
31:15people who operate power plants and refineries, and any other major sources of pollution
31:23have been subjected to the regulatory power that the board has.
31:30Over the years, the board ends up getting new members.
31:34What started as a five-member board is now a 14-member board
31:38with two ex-officio legislators who don't vote but sit on the board,
31:43representing the assembly and the state senate.
31:47And the board gets overseen and audited and otherwise critiqued,
31:56but they also keep being given more authority because it turns out to have been a very
32:03competent agency in terms of actually getting things done.
32:08So ARB is one of those fairly rare, I think, bureaucratic agencies which,
32:17under both Republicans and Democrats, has not only survived but enjoyed a great deal of support.
32:26And I have to say that support from the regulated community as well as from
32:33the more populist elements of the society is also an important factor because you have to have
32:40the people who are actually creating jobs and running the economy
32:45have to be willing to not just go along but support good regulation.
32:52And I would be remiss if I didn't say that when Governor Schwarzenegger
32:57signed AB 32, the organization that probably deserves most of the credit,
33:04at least co-equal with the green groups, would be the Silicon Valley
33:10business organizations that came in and lobbied because they believed that
33:15by having a strong first in the nation program that mandated California to be
33:24out front in trying to address the problem of global warming,
33:28California would also benefit. And they would benefit because they would be able to
33:35sell their inventions or their investment companies they were investing in all over the world.
33:44So if AB 32 represents pretty much the first of its kind of a comprehensive
33:51a market-driven program to reduce greenhouse gases, it was enormously controversial.
33:57People outside of California thought the economy of California would now fall apart completely.
34:04I mean, ultimately, there is a recall. How did you go about that? How were you implementing
34:10something that was that controversial at a time where this was all new? It was absolutely new.
34:18Well, first of all, I need to clarify that the market-based program that the governor wanted
34:24did make it into our final plan, and it is in effect today. But it is not the principal tool
34:31for reducing greenhouse gases in California. We developed a comprehensive plan that contains
34:38a portfolio of measures. And the measures that achieved the largest reductions that were designed
34:44to achieve the largest reductions were things like the automotive standards, the low-carbon
34:51fuel standard, which is a model in its own right and something that's just now really being looked
34:56at seriously at the federal level as a way to clean up the vehicle fuel supply and to create
35:05incentives for people to invent newer, cleaner kinds of fuels. The reason why it worked was
35:11because it was a mix of measures and not just any one thing. And the reason why we did it that
35:17way wasn't just because we were politically smart, although I think we were, but it was mostly that
35:23we thought that would be the most cost-effective and durable way of actually getting to the levels
35:30of reductions that we needed to meet the requirements of the law. And as it has turned
35:38out, and it's been looked at now by quite a number of economists, not all of whom started
35:43out favorably, disposed towards the California program, people generally have agreed that this
35:51mix of different measures was the best that we could have done to achieve that result.
35:59Lessons for us now, that experiment, that experience that you have now as we face an
36:06existential crisis right now with greenhouse gases, what do we learn from your experience of
36:12bringing AB 32 into reality? Again, I think one of the most important lessons to be learned
36:19from this is that there is no single magic bullet. There's a lot of buckshot out there
36:25and you have to try a lot of things. You have to be prepared to set ambitious goals that you're not
36:31sure how you're going to achieve, but that are based on a science that exists that tells you
36:36what you need to have. And this is a lesson from the Clean Air Act going back to the very beginning
36:41where air quality standards were set based on not what we thought was doable, but based on what you
36:47need to have if you're going to prevent the air from making people sick. So you set levels of
36:54reduction in your goals based on what the science tells you you've got to have, and then you devise
37:00a plan that will get you to it, understanding that some of the things that you try are not going to
37:05work. Others may work better than you thought they were going to, and you have to have the
37:10ability to be flexible and to make changes along the way that keep you moving towards the goal.
37:18Well, one of the criticisms along the way of greenhouse gas reductions in general is that
37:24we'll do all this domestically, but there won't be enough of an international coalition so that,
37:31and this is a global problem, not just a national problem, but that was not lost on you either,
37:36was it? You went to Canada, you were at the Paris Accords. How did you see California's role
37:45when you're talking to foreign countries, and were they responsive? Did you feel that it was
37:52more than just us that was trying to make these changes? This goes back again to Governor
38:00Schwarzenegger, who I have to give credit for positioning California on the global stage,
38:06and he took advantage of his celebrity as a movie star to go to the conference of parties,
38:12or if he didn't go himself to send a delegation, and to hold up California's example as one that
38:20would give encouragement and help to recruit others from around the globe. So under Schwarzenegger
38:31and then under Jerry Brown, this amplified enormously. We actually created a coalition
38:38of sub-nationals, as they're called. Not a very lovely term, but it covers states and regions,
38:47and we have now international associations of cities, all of which have not only made pledges
38:54and said, yeah, we want to do something, but are actually taking very concrete, specific steps and
39:01supporting each other and holding up each other's work. And when we go to the international UN
39:08conferences, even though we are not parties, we're not allowed in the room where the official
39:14delegates are negotiating the language that will be in their treaties or accords or agreements,
39:23but the side events, as they're called, and the work that's being done there is every bit as
39:30important and is in fact now considered essential to the national governments that are trying to
39:36work their way towards a global agreement, because they can't do this job without the support of the
39:45sub-national entities that are in every part of the world, the place where most of the decisions
39:54about land use development, most of the decisions about where the electricity is going to come from
40:00in a particular facility or a particular region, many of the decisions about are you going to be
40:08mining, are you going to be developing oil, etc., are made at the local and regional level,
40:15and the political support to do this stuff comes from there, literally the ground up.
40:23I'm about to move you back into where you started us out. You started out saying
40:31I'm in Los Angeles and we have air problems, it's largely cars. Now I'm moving you toward the
40:40Obama administration, and we're coming out of the recession, and it turns out that California
40:49has somewhat unique authority in cars and vehicle standards that other states can either
40:56emulate or not, and now looking at ways that we can impact greenhouse gas issues,
41:07trying to do that and marry together two disparate agencies of EPA and the
41:16National Transportation Safety Administration, and you're there because part of the leverage
41:22of getting them together is the so-called California cars. What are those, Mary? What
41:28are California cars, and how did that work? How are you playing in that historical compromise
41:35that occurred early on in the Obama administration that really did have an impact on transportation?
41:41So your question sort of assumes the fact that I'll just say again that the reason why California
41:48occupies the unique position that it does in the national debate about auto standards, cars,
41:56and trucks, and other mobile sources is that the Federal Clean Air Act, the 1970 Clean Air Act,
42:05gave us authority which no other state has. The industry wanted complete preemption. They wanted
42:12one set of standards at the federal level. This is what industries always want. They don't want
42:18to have to negotiate state by state, but California refused to go along with the Clean Air Act, and we
42:25had a big delegation then, as we do now, if it meant giving up their authority because they
42:32knew that the federal standards were never going to be as strong as what California would want.
42:39California's pollution problem was worse. California was willing to be an experimenter
42:45in pushing for better design and better technology from vehicles, and so that was what
42:53they held out for. Ronald Reagan fought for that, as has every other governor of the state. Pete
42:58Wilson, again, Democrats, Republicans, every time this issue has come up, have insisted that
43:04California maintain the right, and again, instead of just maintaining, over the years, the law has
43:11actually afforded other states the ability to opt into the California standards if they want to,
43:17so we now have 40 percent plus of the United States, which by law require California standards
43:28rather than the national standards. Every once in a while, the two actually catch up with each other,
43:34and this is what happened when Obama was elected. When it became clear that it was quite likely that
43:42he would be the next president, the auto industry actually came to us, came to me, and by that time,
43:51we all knew each other fairly well and said, we would like to find a way to get California
44:00on board with a national program whereby we would agree to enough reductions in pollution and
44:08emissions that California could accept that as being the equivalent of having your own standards,
44:18so that, in effect, there would be a national standard, and California would agree,
44:24while not giving up its standards, although they would have preferred that we give them up, but we
44:29didn't do that, but we said we would accept the compliance with the federal standards as being the
44:35equivalent of compliance with the California standards. You, as a lawyer, are, I'm sure, thinking,
44:42how did they do this? And it's complicated. I mean, the actual regulatory agreement that we
44:49made is complicated, but it's workable, and it has worked to achieve the result, which is that
44:59cars that are sold in the United States as a group, as a class, have met the California
45:07standards for greenhouse gas emissions, and so we were able to move the whole country forward,
45:13but that was because President Obama insisted that EPA give California the waiver that we'd
45:21been fighting for to keep our own standards, and then had his EPA and DOP sit down with us
45:28under White House supervision and negotiate this set of standards that covered both fuel economy
45:36and greenhouse gas emissions, so it was an incredible piece of lawyering, and a lot of
45:43very, very smart, good people worked on it, but it couldn't have happened without the recognition on
45:49the part of the industry that this was something that they needed to come up with a way to go along
45:55with as well, and that's probably one of the reasons why we felt so betrayed when, after
46:05President Trump took office, the industry went to him and said they wanted relief
46:10from those very standards that they had negotiated not so long before.
46:17So we have a whole administration where California is held out as a model of
46:25greenhouse gas reductions, as a model of reducing transportation
46:29problems, and not just greenhouse gas, it was also reducing nitrogen oxide and particulate
46:36matter and sulfur dioxide and others, and then all of a sudden a new president comes in. This
46:44transportation was not the only issue that you were fighting through in the Trump administration.
46:49What was that like going from being a leader in the area and all of a sudden being a defendant
46:54in cases? Well, we weren't mostly a defendant. We fought most of the lawsuits ourselves, and
47:03we had a strategy which was agreed upon at the very beginning that if we were going to save
47:10the Clean Air Act and save California's program and our vision of how the world should work,
47:18that we were going to have to not accept, we were just going to have to stand against
47:24anything that the Trump administration wanted to put up that was going to weaken any aspect of
47:33environmental law. And so we filed dozens and dozens of cases, not ever all by ourselves. We
47:42always had other states or NGOs or both. Sometimes we had industry coalitions with us as well,
47:52but we were determined that we were just not going to let them get away with anything.
47:57And we had a wonderful attorney general, Javier Becerra, now President Biden's choice for running
48:07the Health and Human Services program to represent us in all this litigation, and a governor,
48:16of course, who was happy to be part of it. I want to turn to one particular type of
48:23vehicles. It was toward the end of 2015. I had been leading the negotiations against BP for the
48:34Deepwater Horizon oil spill, and it wasn't public, but we had pretty much finished all the negotiations
48:41and we just are inking the last bit of the consent decree. And I get a call from Cynthia
48:52Giles, who was then a head of the Office of Enforcement, who said, pretty much,
48:57you're not going to believe what Mary Nichols just told me, something to that effect.
49:02And it was Volkswagen. That's what it is. And because I think all Volkswagen, you know,
49:14broke through you all there. Talk about that. Talk about how that happened and then how this
49:22whole thing started, you know, the beginning. And I think we were all surprised at those early
49:29moments. Well, first of all, I do think it's important to remember that EPA and California,
49:37in good times and bad, that is when we've disagreed and when we haven't,
49:41then when we have been in agreement about everything from a policy perspective,
49:47both have been committed to sharing the burden of enforcing clean air regulations. And our
49:56laboratory and their laboratory share information on a regular basis. And we've divided up some of
50:05the work of enforcement where EPA took most of the responsibility for the heavy duty engines because
50:14they had better testing capacity. And we took a larger share of work on the light duty vehicles,
50:23the passenger cars and light trucks. And so when California uncovered the cheating that was going on
50:35by Volkswagen, that information was shared immediately with EPA. And in the end,
50:42as you know, because you were the chief of our negotiating team, the federal presence,
50:50the federal power was key. I mean, California couldn't have achieved what we did all by
50:59ourselves. So I need to acknowledge you in that respect as well, and EPA, our colleagues at EPA.
51:06But as it happened, it was people that were working with California who were the ones who
51:12both figured out that there was something wrong, because the measurements that we were getting
51:20in the lab and on the road were so different from the certification data that we had from Volkswagen
51:28for these diesel vehicles. So we knew there was something amiss. And when the company actually
51:36confessed, one of their officials explained what they had been doing. It was California that
51:45received that information. And so we were the first to go forward with it. But the enforcement
51:54effort was a joint effort. The mechanism that the company had used to avoid compliance was
52:07not all that sophisticated, I guess, in the sense that it relies on the fact that
52:13you can manipulate software to decide what the vehicle is actually going to do at any given point
52:21while it's being operated. And so they were able to come up with a system that basically defeated
52:27the emissions control system when the car was actually in use. And that produced amazingly
52:36high fuel economy. It really is great in terms of making the cars operate much better than the
52:45norm that people expect, which is that the numbers that you see on the sticker are much better
52:51than what you achieve in the real world when you get a new car. In the case of these diesel
52:56vehicles, it was the opposite. People were getting better fuel economy. And so they were totally happy.
53:01And that was one of the reasons why we were concerned going into this enforcement action,
53:07is that the customers who had purchased these vehicles were going to say, wait a minute,
53:14what do we care? OK, so it may not be meeting its emission standards, but hey, we're getting
53:19great fuel economy. And so it was, I think, one of the things about this whole enforcement case that
53:27I'm happiest about in many ways is that we were able to succeed in keeping the support of the
53:34public behind us and saying, it's not OK to cheat on your smog test that you actually, this matters.
53:43Because that wasn't obvious at the beginning that that would be how it would all work out in the
53:49end. Anyway, it was a long negotiation, many meetings, changes in the company's team along
54:00the way. But of course, the thing that happened that's really the most amazing about this story
54:06is that after all the bad publicity and after all the money that they had to pay in penalties as
54:15damages, et cetera, the company transformed itself. And they really are a different company
54:22than they were when we first started down this path because their own government, which had been
54:30pretty lax, if not actually encouraging of Volkswagen's attitudes, what they could get
54:38away with, came down hard on them. And their own leadership decided that if they were going to
54:44maintain their success and go on to survive as a global manufacturer, they were going to have to
54:53do something different. And they did. And they've turned themselves into now a competitor, a
55:00contender for one of the leading, if not the leading, manufacturer and marketer of zero
55:08emission vehicles in the world. So the audience will not know this, but I'll tell you anyway in
55:15Mary's talking about the negotiations, which were largely done at the Department of Justice,
55:20but there was never a time, there was never a time where either Mary was not sitting right with me
55:27or her general counsel was not sitting with me and would not have happened, would not have happened,
55:32not just without California, but without those individuals. But one of the issues that you put
55:37your finger on and your stamp is very clear in those, that old settlement that when Attorney
55:44General Loretta Lynch announced it, she announced it as the largest settlement of its type in the
55:48history of the government, was zero emission vehicles, promoting zero emission vehicles,
55:56not just in California, but across the nation. Have you seen that play out locally? Have you
56:01seen that as being a beneficial issue, that settlement aspect of it? Absolutely. Shortly
56:08after we settled the cases, Volkswagen spun off a company that was created to comply with the
56:20settlement. And they were under an obligation to file a plan that showed exactly how they were
56:27going to achieve the levels of investment that the agreement called for. And it started off,
56:37I suppose, a little bit shaky, but pretty quickly developed into a relationship where
56:46people in California at the local level, within the city of Sacramento, within the legislature,
56:52understood that we were going to be the recipients of the largest investment ever
56:59in vehicle electrification, and that this was a rare opportunity to accomplish something that
57:06California had been trying to do for years. And so people came up with all kinds of
57:13ideas and suggestions and matching funds and programs to assist in the effort to really
57:23make this place a leader in electric transportation. And it's built from there.
57:31So to our EarthX audience, I hope you now appreciate why I started out telling you that
57:36this is a great honor for me to talk with and present questions to a hero of mine,
57:44to the people who put this together, Trammell Crowe and Bruce Fogarty and Jeff Simmons and
57:49others, thank you for giving us the chance to show to you, the Queen of Green, to show you
57:56the most influential environmental regulator in history, my friend, somebody I deeply admire,
58:02Mary Nichols. Mary, thank you so much for being our person today. Thanks so much.

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